A Letter From the Incoming President, Dave Schmitt

HBES is a scholarly community, for many of us it is our academic home away from home. And just like most communities around the world, ours has faced considerable challenges over the past two years. In this message, I want to express my gratitude to those who helped effectively maneuver HBES through unprecedented times, especially Leda Cosmides for her work as HBES president these last two years and Doug Kenrick for his service as past-president of HBES. Thank you also to Bernhard Fink for enhancing the HBES website and improving our capacity for online engagement. Thank you to Nicole Barbaro for her incredible efforts as HBES communications officer, Catherine Salmon for her longstanding contributions as HBES treasurer, and all members of the HBES Executive Committee. HBES has remained strong and resilient because of their efforts in growing our ability to be inclusive, welcoming, and digitally connected.

I also want to express my deep appreciation to the hosts of planned HBES conferences in Detroit and Palm Springs for their flexibility and hard work over the past two years—both conferences are now on schedule for 2022 and 2023, respectively. This was no easy task. Thank you to everyone who helped make our upcoming HBES Virtually Everywhere (#HBES2021) online conference a reality, especially the host committee (Coren Apicella, Chris von Rueden, Nicole Barbaro) and programme committee (Aaron Lukaszewski, Jaimie Krems, Anne Pisor, Cari Goetz). Coren pretty much dropped everything to make HBES Virtually Everywhere happen this summer, we all owe her significant thanks. And kudos to everyone who dedicated themselves to making our HBES Roundtable Seminar Series such a tremendous success this past year (videos of these events may be viewed on YouTube here.

Finally, I want to thank those HBES members who have committed their time and energy for crucially important work on the HBES Grievance Committee and in evaluating HBES grant proposals and award nominations. Jaimie Krems, chair of the HBES Grievance Committee, deserves special thanks for helping to make our community safer and more inclusive these past two years, and thank you to Nicole Barbaro for vigilantly monitoring, analyzing, and reporting on results from our HBES conference climate survey. A key focus of HBES has been on welcoming, developing, and highlighting early-career scholars from across the evolutionary behavioral sciences. HBES has supported graduate student and prospective graduate student luncheons, methods and statistics workshops, and meetings such as Women of HBES. This year at HBES Virtually Everywhere we have an LGBTQ+ mixer event hosted by Michael Barlev (thank you, Michael!).

HBES has honored and rewarded several categories of early-career scholarship at our annual conference, including awards for best conference posters, best post-doc papers/presentations, and new investigator awards. Since 2010, we have honored the best paper published in the HBES-affiliated journal Evolution and Human Behavior with the Margo Wilson Award. We have given HBES awards for Early Career Award for Distinguished Scientific Contribution (2020 Winner, Katherine McAuliffe) and the Lifetime Career Award for Distinguished Scientific Contribution (2020 Winner, David Perrett). Through several of our HBES grant funding mechanisms, we have reached out to support a diverse array of evolution-related undergraduate student meetings, regional academic conferences, and professional organizations around the world.

HBES is truly a worldwide scholarly collaboration, but our community is only as robust and vibrant as the individual HBES members who dedicate themselves to making it so. Thank you to all HBES members whose service to our community has made a difference these past two years and for setting the stage for future generations to make it better still.

Looking forward to the future of HBES, I’m drawn back to the inspiring comments by past-president Dick Alexander during his 2008 keynote address to HBES in Kyoto, Japan. He remarked that, “The most important and frightening of all human adaptations is likely our stubborn and perhaps unique manner of alternating our most intense emotional expressions between the two extremes of amity and enmity within our own species…We need every tool available to understand such things about ourselves. These are reasons why the Human Behavior and Evolution Society has the potential to become the most important scientific organization in the world.”

Every tool available. In my view, that phrase captures the greatest potential of our HBES community. Each year we bring together a wide variety of scholars and their tools from disciplines such as Darwinian literary studies and communications, Darwinian medicine and economics, Darwinian politics and philosophy, evolutionary anthropology and biology, evolutionary neuroscience and genetics, evolutionary psychology and human ethology, evolutionary sociology and family studies, human behavioral ecology and demography, and primatology and comparative psychology (among many, many others). HBES was founded in hopes that we continuously learn from each other, that every HBES conference provides an opportunity for new sparks of connection to be made across disciplines, and that these connections help us to more fully understand the best and the worst of human behavior.

Personally, I’ve found the best part of HBES often comes from attending sessions outside of my area of expertise. The first occasion I encountered the wonderful tool D-Place was at HBES whilst attending a presentation outside my discipline. The stimulating talks I heard and the questions and debates that transpired throughout that session greatly affected my thinking and scholarship for years to come. HBES can do that, should do that, for each of us every year. I’ve found interdisciplinarity and exploring an issue with “every tool available” is where the scholarly magic happens. Further cultivating that interdisciplinary ethos is something I very much look forward to as president of HBES in the next few years.

In these challenging times, our coming together in HBES has never been more important, to science and to our collaborative community. I look forward to seeing you and learning from you all at HBES Virtually Everywhere (#HBES2021). Stay safe.

–Dave Schmitt, President, HBES

 

Dave will take over duties as HBES President following the HBES 2021 conference, along with the rest of the new members of the Executive Council

There is Nobody Quite Like Grandma

by Ilona Nenko

 

From an early age, many of us learn that our grandmothers are invaluable in our lives. Their experiences, help, and knowledge can shape us into who we are today, and their influence stretches far beyond simple stereotypes. Grandmothers have long held a special place in almost every culture, and the human story without grandmothers is not much of a story at all. If we look back in time we find that they were even more valuable than they are in the present, with strong empirical evidence that they have helped grandchildren to survive and aided the fertility of their own offspring. These benefits to relatives are thought to have played a role in the evolution of the extended post-reproductive lifespan that separates us from other great apes. In case it isn’t clear by this point, we think grandmothers are very important. But, is every grandmother equally important?

Well, as it turns out, no. Context-dependence is crucial in the expression and outcomes of helping behaviours in other cooperative species, and humans are no different. We have a lot of evidence that maternal grandmothers play a special role in the lives of grandchildren, moreso than paternal grandmothers. It begs the question then, are all grandmother-related grandchild outcomes the same? This is an interesting question because not all grandchildren are born equal. The circumstances of birth can be hugely influential in early life: firstborn children have different outcomes to later births, twins differ in outcomes than singletons, siblings born in a short time frame can suffer negatively compared to those with a longer interval between births, and children born out of wedlock often have worse outcomes than those born within unions. These statuses may seem to be very different at a surface level, but all have a lot in common: higher risk of low birth weight, higher risk of getting lower Apgar scores, higher risk of being born prematurely and – consequently – lower chance of survival. Bad starts are just that – bad – but don’t necessarily spell doom. History is littered with examples of poor starts being overcome. Sometimes all it takes to turn around a tough beginning is a bit of luck. Sometimes it takes a little helping hand.

Here is where grandma returns. Given there are so many bad starts children could face, and given grandmothers are known to provide benefits (at least some of the time), we decided to investigate whether grandmothers increased the chances of survival of children who experienced hard starts to life. We studied Finnish genealogical data from 1730-1895, a time when medical care was very basic and contraception was not available; childhood survival was low, adult life expectancy was much lower than today, and birth rates were high. Grandmothers were very much needed. Finland is an exceptional country for doing this kind of study – Lutheran priests kept extensive records on the population, giving us a rare opportunity to look at ordinary lives in the past, and we know much of how the society operated. We also know from other work with this Finnish population that grandmother presence was not always helpful, particularly if the grandmother was frail. But did grandma help when the going got rough?

The lack of beneficial survival outcomes of grandmother presence for these poor starts reinforces the importance of investigating different contexts of possible help, and perhaps adds another piece to the slowly unraveling mystery of the evolution of extended post-reproductive life.

Alas, in most of the investigated bad starts, grandmother presence was not beneficial. Firstborns, twins, babies born two years after their older siblings, nor illegitimate children –had an increased chance of reaching the age of five if their grandmothers were alive or not. The lack of beneficial survival outcomes of grandmother presence for these poor starts reinforces the importance of investigating different contexts of possible help, and perhaps adds another piece to the slowly unraveling mystery of the evolution of extended post-reproductive life.

It wasn’t all bad news for these historic Finns though: grandmothers were extremely important to children who welcomed a younger sibling before their second birthday, with a massive 41% increase in the probability of surviving to age 5 compared to grandchildren with no grandmother. It isn’t too difficult to see why: the mother had to focus on the fully-dependent, far needier younger child, and it would therefore benefit her and the child if others in the family – chiefly the grandmother – could help. Grandma benefited from this too – by increasing the chances of survival of her daughter’s children, she increases not only the reproductive success of her daughter, but also her own biological fitness. In a way, by caring for her daughter and her grandchildren, she also cares for herself.

 

 

Read the paper: Will granny save me? Birth status, survival, and the role of grandmothers in historical Finland

Making Simple Decisions in a Complex Social World

by Pieter van den Berg

 

We all know humans are social animals. So it makes sense that much of our psychology is geared towards analyzing social situations and choosing appropriate actions for them. This social psychology has to work in a complex and messy world. Every social interaction is different, involving different parties with their own desires and interests, and different possible actions to choose from. To make matters worse, we have to operate under considerable uncertainty: it is often impossible to accurately predict how our actions will turn out.

How has evolution equipped us with an effective psychology to navigate social decision making in this complex and uncertain world? This is not an easy question. Social evolution is intricate, because the fitness consequences of social behaviors depend on what others in the population are doing. A cooperative individual may be successful in a population full of trustworthy interaction partners, but that same individual may fare much worse when surrounded by cheaters. To gain insight in how evolution shapes social behaviors despite these intricacies, scholars have often relied on highly simplified models of social evolution, often reducing the messy social world to just a single type of interaction such as (most famously) the Prisoner’s Dilemma Game. The idea is that if we understand how evolution hypothetically shapes behavior in that very specific situation, we will gain an understanding of how evolution shaped parts of our social psychology.

But does evolution really tailor behavior separately for each specific social circumstance that may arise? This seems unlikely – especially given the fact that individuals often don’t even know all the specifics of the situations they find themselves in. By now, a realization has settled in that the human mind is not a smooth optimization machine, but often works in ways that seem unsophisticated or crude. This is exemplified in what are referred to as ‘cognitive biases’ – proof that people are not consistent or systematically deviate from acting in their own rational interest. Such biases can be the result of a psychological machinery that is not perfectly attuned to the situation at hand, but rather operates by using ‘heuristics’: simple behavioral strategies that work well across a range of situations, but that can ‘misfire’ in some specific circumstances.

Do people apply such rough rules of thumb in social situations, leading to behavior that is suboptimal or inconsistent? A few recent evolutionary modelling studies suggest that we might expect them to. Bear & Rand have shown that evolution can produce a psychology where individuals ‘intuitively’ invest in cooperative relationships, even if that relationship will not extend far enough into the future to make that investment worthwhile. In 2018, I developed a model to investigate how individuals are selected to behave in a ‘messy’ world with many different types of social interactions and some uncertainty about which situation they are in. This model showed that evolution predictably leads to the emergence of simple heuristic strategies that often cooperate, even in situations where it is guaranteed to lead to bad outcomes. These ‘social heuristics’ even evolved when individuals had only intermediate uncertainty about the social interactions they engaged in, and could implement more sophisticated strategies (tailoring behavior to specific circumstances) without any extra cost.

For a new study that was just published in Evolution and Human Behavior, we conducted a decision making experiment in which we confronted participants with a similar situation as the individuals in our evolutionary simulation model. Through software specially designed for this study, our test subjects were repeatedly coupled with other participants to engage in a social interaction. At the core, the social interactions were simple: both participants in a pair had to simultaneously choose whether or not to ‘help’ the other. Helping provided a benefit to the interaction partner (in points that were later converted to real money), but it also had a consequence for the helper herself. This consequences of helping varied between situations: sometimes it was directly beneficial to the helper, but in other situations it carried a crippling cost. Between different experimental treatments, we varied how much uncertainty the participants had about the consequences of helping. This ranged from no uncertainty at all, via partial uncertainty (participants were told that the consequence of helping lied in some range), to complete uncertainty.

The social heuristic our participants were using was effective in turning a situation of uncertainty into a situation of virtual certainty. But, as a side-effect, it also led them to cooperate more.

Our results show that in the treatments with more uncertainty, participants helped their interaction partners more often than if they had little uncertainty. The reason behind this can be found in social heuristics. Most participants were interpreting the uncertainty range they were given in a very simple way: they just acted as if the real consequence of helping was given by the center of the uncertainty range. For example, a participant who was told that the consequence of helping would be anywhere between a cost of 5 and 15 points acted the same way as a participant who was certain that it was 10 points. This is a simple solution to dealing with uncertainty: if you do not know which of many possible scenarios is going to unfold, just choose one that seems typical or likely and act as if you are certain that this is what is going to happen.

The social heuristic our participants were using was effective in turning a situation of uncertainty into a situation of virtual certainty. But, as a side-effect, it also led them to cooperate more. To see why, consider a simplified version in which there are just three possibilities, each equally likely: the cost of helping is either 5, 10 or 15 points. Let’s say you would be willing to help at a cost of 5 of 10 points, but not 15. If you’re like our participants, you will reduce your uncertainty by assuming you are in the most typical situation: you will just act as if you are sure that the cost is 10 points, and so you will help. This means you are helping more than if you would not have had uncertainty, because then you would only have helped in two thirds of the cases. Our experimental results can be explained in a similar way: because participants who had to deal with uncertainty used a heuristic, they ended up helping more than their counterparts that suffered no uncertainty.

So what do these results teach us about the evolution of human social behavior? They confirm that human minds are not calculators aimed at optimizing behavior in every possible scenario that might arise, but that their cognitive solutions have been shaped by a world of considerable complexity and uncertainty. The way our minds deal with this uncertainty is not to painstakingly account for it, but to reduce it to something more manageable with limited losses to inconsistency and suboptimality. Such heuristics can probably play out in many ways, but our experiment shows that they can lead to a higher willingness to cooperate with others.

 

Read the paper: Uncertainty causes humans to use social heuristics and to cooperate more: An experiment among Belgian university students

Mismatched Sugar High

by Richard Johnson, William Wilson, Sondra Bland & Miguel Lanaspa

 

How does sugar effect our behavior in modern environments? Here we present the hypothesis that fructose, which is present in added sugars such as table sugar (sucrose) and high fructose corn syrup (HFCS), may have a role in behavioral disorders associated with impulsivity and anxiety. This hypothesis is based on recent research that has found fructose to be distinct from other nutrients in activating a survival pathway that includes foraging for food as one of the behavioral responses. Specifically, fructose is distinct from other foods in that it during its metabolism it can lead to a reduction in intracellular ATP levels. This leads to the degradation of AMP that eventually generates uric acid. The accumulation of uric acid and fall in ATP are associated with a variety of metabolic responses that include the stimulation of hunger and thirst, foraging, the development of insulin resistance, and the production and storage of fat. While this is used by animals in the wild as a survival mechanism to help them store fat in preparation for times when food is unavailable, we posit that the overconsumption of added sugars today is leading to chronic stimulation of these pathways. Foraging, in particular, is associated with risk taking (entering unknown areas), impulsivity and rapid decision making, and even aggression. Here we review the evidence that chronic stimulation of foraging behaviors from consuming fructose might carry increased risk for disorders associated with impulsivity and anxiety, including ADHD and bipolar disorder. We recommend further research to investigate the possibility that fructose ingestion might be a contributory risk factor for these and related disorders.

 

Watch the video summary of our work, below (shared with permission)

 

Read the paper: Fructose and uric acid as drivers of a hyperactive foraging response: A clue to behavioral disorders associated with impulsivity or mania?